Freeganism: an urban sub-culture explores the art of free food acquisition

 

 

Research report on Freeganism

 

 

Title:

Freeganism: an urban sub-culture explores the art of free food acquisition

 

Content:

1. Research Objectives

2. Literature review

3. Methodology

4. Findings

5. Discussion

6. Conclusion

 

1. Research Objectives:

In my research paper I am answering the question:

Why do some particular urban individuals and groups believe in a politically motivated acquisition of free food including dumpster-diving, stealing and charity food?

Freeganism derives from the words “free” and “vegan” and includes the notion of acquiring food by means of finding it in garbage containers, stealing, bartering or charity food. On a broader level, freeganism also includes shoplifting or finding of non-food items, not working for a capitalist employer or paying rent. This research is primarily focused on the acquisition, production, consumption and distribution of free food as done by a culture which is increasingly spreading in urban centres across the world. The topic is essential to understand a modern urban youth culture which has a political motivation to obtain free food. The research was conducted in Halifax, Nova Scotia in an attempt to understand the motivations, rationale and actions of a relatively new urban sub-culture with a strong commitment and leitmotiv.

The research focuses on the types of food acquired, the lifestyle of freegans, political motivations of the movement, and an attempt to envision a different future of food distribution as the participants imagine it. Additional research questions which guided me through my research and discussions are the following:

1. What is freeganism?

2. What is the freegan's rational behind their actions?

3.)What is the freegan's lifestyle?

4. What is the acquired food being used for?

5. Will freeganism change the future?

In my research I have found answers for all of these questions which will be presented in the Findings and Discussion parts of this paper.

 

2. Literature review

The topic of freeganism, though relatively new, has been fairly well studied, including field research ethnographies, as well as research and evaluation of online data. Data also includes participant observations in New York City and Melbourne, Australia. All literature reviewed defines “freeganism” in the lines of a combination of the concepts of free and vegan. The former includes free, bartered or shared resources such as food, clothing, housing, etc., the latter the avoidance of animal products. Freegans criticize unsustainable consumption practices in many developed nations and, though part of an organized movement, do not affiliate with any political parties or religious organizations and do not want to be categorized (Pentina & Amos 2011:1769, 1768, Raina 2007, Edwards & Mercer 2011:284). According to Pentina and Amos, who conducted research on freegan online resources (2011), freeganism is a movement embedded in alternative consumuerist practices, collective political actions and anti-capitalist ideology (1769). Barnard includes a sense of community, generosity, social concern, freedom, cooperation and sharing as acts of opposition of a society they see comprised of materialism, over-consumption, competition, conformity and greed (420). He adds that freegans abstain from anything that must be purchased commercially, especially animal products (421).

The goal of freeganism would be achieving self-sufficiency skills while eliminating waste, increase recycling and reducing the carbon footprint. Other activities include finding food in garbage containers (dumpster-diving), composting, wild foraging, growing community gardens, reusing and bartering things on free markets and some freegans believe in a vegatable or raw food-only diet, as well as the consumption of road kill (Barnard 424, Pentina & Amos 1773, Kelly 2007, Edwards & Ferne 2007:287). Edwards and Mercer in their study about Australian freegans (2007) found that most dumpster-divers were predominantly male, in their mid-twenties, are highly educated and have a middle-class background (282). I will challenge this argument using the findings of my research in Halifax. Theories surrounding the origin of the movement vary among researches dating back to the 1960s student movement, to the growing 1990s punk culture or the late 1990s environmental movement, especially in Seattle and Portland, Oregon, USA (Kelly, Persson 2011, Clarke n.d.:416).

Freegan beliefs vary and are not unique, they often include anti-capitalist sentiments with the intent to end capitalism by not voting, working or consuming commercially. Freegans intend to help people to turn away from capitalist practices and finding alternatives. Many see themselves as urban foragers and their behaviour as a practice for a future beyond capitalism. This includes self-sufficiency, cooperation, and co-habitation in sustainable communities without the exploitation of animals, people and nature (Kelly, Persson 2011, Pentina & Amos 2011:1769, Edwards & Mercer 2007:281, 283). Beyond food, freegan activities may include but are not limited to, squatting empty houses, growing community gardens, wild foraging, sharing, free markets and cycling (Edwards and Mercer 283, Pentina & Amos 2011:1775).

Pentina and Amos (2011), in their online research of freegan resources, also came across the notion of “inner change” and reducing one's own environmental impact (1773). As for dumpster-diving itself, Clark says that food is thrown out because it is damaged, past the expiration date, cosmetically altered or has dented packaging (419). He outlines the globalization and industrialization of food production, including milling, refining, butchering, baking, branding and advertising, which he considers as “moral pollution of corporate capitalism and imperialism” (412). As alternative methods, he sees purchasing food from farmers, self-made, home-grown, stolen, or dumpstered food, in order to de-commodify food whereas veganism is practised to condemn animal cruelty, contaminated meat, unhealthy effects of meat, factory-farming and environmental degradation (413, 416).

Freegans are thus often connected to other social movements, beliefs or networks, such as anarchism, and are involved in environmental and social activism (Edwards & Mercer 281, Clark n.d.:411, 420-421). Many work together with the food network Food Not Bombs (FNB) which collects food from trash cans or donations from restaurants and prepares free, vegan food for the homeless and hungry all over the world (Clark 420, Pentina & Amos 1770). These networks and movements are anarchic in a way that they have a lack of an organized, formalized structure or hierarchy, no leaders or persons in charge (Edwards & Mercer 2007:290). Pentina and Amos see limitations of freegan practices since dumpster-diving and squatting are unsustainable as they rely on the capitalist economy and freegan motifs as utopian, escapist and not offering constructive alternative solutions (1775).

While these works deal primarily with the political motivation of freeganism as a subculture, I attempt to gain a deeper perspective in the freeganist lifestyle, backgrounds and food findings. I will explore if all freegans are vegans or if some, non-commercially consume meat. I am interested in how freegans see the future and what plans they have for an alternative food acquisition in the future. Doing so, I am going to challenge Edwards and Ferne's position that most freegans are middle-class males. The research conducted is a field ethnography of a new youth urban subculture in Halifax and will contribute to previous findings about that topic in other locations.

 

3. Methodology

My field sites were various commercial trash bins, green bins and containers, in freegan jargon and hereafter referred to as “dumpster”. These locations include the dumpsters of Planet Organic on Quinpool Street, Shoppers Drug Mart on Robie Street as well as Giant Tiger on Dutch Village Road in Halifax, Nova Scotia. Another research location was St. Andrews Church Sunday supper. Lastly, I conducted research outside the library on Spring Garden Road while the local Food Not Bombs chapter was distributing free food.

Through previous personal field research I have established contacts in this community whom I have called and some of whom have declared their cooperation to participate. To protect their neutrality, all participants prefer to remain anonymous. The community I worked with were mostly (though not exclusively) youths of both sexes between the ages of 20 and 30 and are comprised of dumpster-divers, shoplifters, gardeners and anti-capitalists. I talked to 5 freegans, one Food Not Bombs activist and a few individuals at free food distributions.

The methods I used in order to answer the research questions were participant-observation and long-term observation. This is defined as living in a culture that is not one's own while also keeping a detailed record of observations and interviews1. Other definitions mention the ability of the investigator to live like an ordinary member of that group.2 I was both, waiting at the dumpsters and asking possible freegans for their agreement, as well as observing and going with dumpster-divers to the field sites. I have also spent a substantial amount of time with a few chosen participants and observed their lifestyles, their dumpster-methods and the uses and distribution of the acquired food. I stayed at their houses and joined them for a dumpstered meal. Through this observation, by talking to them and experiencing the acts first hand I gained a thorough understanding of the rationale behind the notion of obtaining free food.

The schedule of this research was as follows: two Sundays Suppers at St. Andrews Church, two Wednesdays from 5-6:30pm Food Not Bombs food distribution on Spring Garden Road and dumpster-diver observations on the weekends.

 

4. Findings

I have accompanied several freegans in acquiring free food from various dumpsters. We arranged a meeting in advance and I joined five dumpster-divers on three “missions” and talked to others at their homes. Through participant observation, I saw how they dumpster and what kind of food is procured. I experienced their lifestyles by joining them for a dumpster-dove meal. I talked to six particular individuals to get an inside perspective in their rationale behind obtaining free food.

Through participant observation and spending time with freegans at their communal houses as well as joining them for dumpster missions, I gained a fair understanding of their lifestyles and rationale. From what I observed, most freegans are part of an urban sub-culture rooted in anti-capitalist and anti-consumerist believes and live in communal houses or manage their houses collectively. All participants were between 20 and 30 years, the gender ratio was equal. All but two did not have a job and receive their income through student loans or welfare. One participant was busking and performing fire or circus shows. He is usually travelling between family and communal houses in Nova Scotia, all other participants have a place they consider home and pay rent. Coincidentally, no participant was originally from Halifax, though one was Nova Scotian. Some participants were students, others students of life, gardeners and active community members. Some do not vote and all of them use eco-friendly transportation, foremost the bicycle. Most of them appeared to be of working-class background and most have some level of post-secondary education.

As the participants described it, freeganism for them means obtaining food in non-conventional, non-commercial ways which involves to the largest extent taking it from garbage containers of food stores, to a lesser yet significant one also stealing or retrieving it from food banks or eating free church charity food. Some participants also mentioned growing your own food or wild foraging as part of freeganism and one collected road kill for skinning and eating purposes. Of the participants, only one was vegan, another vegetarian, and the others would eat meat only if it was dumpstered, stolen, taken from roadkill or consumed at free food servings. The person who collects roadkill described it as a way of reclaiming an animal that has lived its life in the woods and losing its life through contact with a car. She would honour the dead animal's life and use the fur and meat on the condition it was salvageable. All participants dumpster and most shoplift, some also go to food banks and one visits free food servings. One person believed it was a lifestyle choice and what food freegans obtain was 'liberated,' making it free and redistributing it to people who otherwise do not have the means to acquire food because of limited time, money or education.

Even though the word 'freegan' includes 'vegan', the notion of not eating any animal products was not completely agreed upon with the majority of participants. Instead, they would consume meat or other animals products if they were salvaged, shoplifted, so as long as they were not purchased commercially. Only one participant was vegetarian and did not eat meat at all. One participant did not consider herself as freegan because as a vegan, she would not eat any animal products even if they were free. She does so as a symbolic act against animal cruelty. She would dumpster-dive vegetables, grow personal vegetables or visit to foodbanks. However, as the literature review suggests, some freegans are strongly vegan, even if animal products could be dumpstered. Definitions among freegans thus seem to vary. All agreed, nonetheless that it involves living outside the capitalist system as much as possible by not buying anything, or partaking in monetary exchange, especially not food products, not working, squatting, sharing or bartering.

The locations for food procurement are mostly large, corporate food chains such as Tim Hortons, Superstore, Giant Tiger or Planet Organic. For their security, participants wished not to disclose from which store in particular they would dumpster and shoplift. None of the participants steal food from small, local grocers, corner stores, or farmer's markets as it is considered unethical. The reason is that they do not want to harm local, small-business owners, some of whom may be immigrants and depend on their business for their livelihood. These stores or farmers would supply locally grown, organic, food as well as maintaining a strong community. Freegans find it important to support local farmers, whereas they argued that large corporations rely on over-production and would not be economically hurt if one product went missing.

The majority of participants have been engaging in freegan activities for more than a year. They dumpster-dive or shoplift around three times a week on average or visit food banks or churches a few times a month. When the food is procured, it will be consumed communally, gifted to friends or other communal houses or the radical grassroots food distribution group, Food Not Bombs (FNB), or the Arc, a centre providing food, clothes, support and shelter for homeless youth in Halifax. Also, some would cook free food for social and activist events such as the local Occupy movement.

Views about the origin of freeganism varied, one participant believed it originated as a form of resistance against the commodification of food. Another considered it as part of urban hunting and gathering, “hunting the dumpster or food storage and gathering the food,” an activity pre-dating agriculture. One participant also noted the diggers of San Francisco of the 1960s who dumpstered and redistributed food for free. Another one saw it as the need for survival and seeing food being wasted. He also considered it freegan to steal from farmer's fields a long time ago, whenever people need food as a necessity.

Everybody seemed to have political motivations for their choice in free food procurement. Most referred to a globalized food system including factory farming and exploitation of farmers in the global South as well as monocultures, the use of pesticides and genetically modified foods. Some seemed to think it wrong to buy food in general, not believing in capitalism and the commodification of food, a resource considered as common and natural, and should be free. Others do it for economic reasons, arguing that they have little money available and cannot make ends meet. Especially the overproduction seemed to play a role for all participants which results in large numbers of good quality food being thrown out and wasted, more than 50% according to one dumpster-diver. Many preferred the diversity and surprise of dumpstering food, not knowing what you may find. Two freegans said they did not have sufficient money to purchase foods, and preferred not to work so as to have more time for creative pursuits. One of them saw freeganism only being possible in the capitalist system with over-production and wasted food. He justified stealing from the owners of the means of production because they would steal from everyone else in form of wage-slavery. For one participant, freeganism is a moral choice. Paying for food, she argued, would not profit the people who produce it but rather the people who control the industry and have a hegemony over food. Additionally, she was not willing to support pesticides and genetically-modified products. She would steal products which she cannot find in a dumpster such as cheese or milk and justifies this as a form of resistance against corporations. Lastly, one person felt foraging and dumpstering makes him feel connected to his ancestors and that multi-national corporations and large corporate chains would hurt the local economy by driving out small businesses by out competing them. Also, their business model would involve paying people too little for the products they make, keeping the majority of profits for shareholders.

Questioning freegans whether they considered their food collection as sustainable, most said no because it depends on the capitalist system and if in the chance of food system collapse, free food acquisition would become more difficult as food becomes scarce. Others thought that dumpster-diving would be sustainable as long as there was an abundance of over-produced food and one participant would carry on as long as we lived in an unjust society and until food was produced locally.

Sustainability was defined by the participants as something that does not rely on the globalized food system, food grown locally and organically with their own hands and freely accessible to everyone. In short, practices that can be carried out for a long period of time without having a deep impact on the environment.

Sustainability is also what Halifax freegans see essential for the future of the global food system. All participants had a similar perspective of how they would like to see the food system in the future. They envisioned co-operative, local, small-scale farms, gardens and market gardens as well as eating seasonally as imperative. Food sovereignty should thus shift to the control of communities. One person strongly believed that we will also need to learn foraging, hunting and fishing. Some also believed that we would need to eat less meet in the future if we wanted to live sustainably.

When I joined three freegans on a dumpster mission, I observed that they use bikes, one had a trailer, others crates or large backpacks for their findings. Reaching the organic garbage bins at Planet Organic, I was surprised to see the amount of food that was thrown out. We found about twenty samosas, at least a dozen carrots, tomatoes, at least ten pakoras, apples, bell-peppers and squash. Afterwards one dumpster-diver climbed into the garbage container and found milk, yoghurt, cream and veggie burgers. On another mission to Giant Tiger we gathered at least five crates full of potatoes, a wide diversity of vegetables and about ten bags of chips.

When I was invited into their communal house, where many freegans seemed to congregate, they showed me the fridge and pantry. Indeed, they did not seem to lack anything. They had milk, yoghurt, cheese, sauces, eggs, butter and a large number of vegetables including squash, pumpkins, potatoes, onions, garlic etc. I was also surprised that they had coffee and a large number of spices. They also had noodles, tomato sauce, rice and other staple foods. They told me they shoplift whateevr they cannot find or obtain from foodbanks. They share abundant food, cook communally and usually invite friends or couchsurfers over for food. The meal they cooked was vegetable stir-fry and curry potatoes. It was quite delicious and I did not have any adverse stomach effects easily.

On two occasions, I joined Sunday Supper, a free food serving every Sunday evening at St. Andrews United Church in Halifax. They provide juice, coffee, a full meal with desert and pizza slices to take home. Most people taking this opportunity were unemployed or underemployed, homeless people, street kids and other marginalized people. They were grateful for this opportunity but did not know about freeganism and only a few freegans were there.

Lastly, I went to two Food Not Bombs food servings and talked to the food distributors about their ideals and rationale. They explained that they obtain food through dumpster-diving or donations and prepare it at communal houses. All food made is vegan as a statement against factory farming, the industrial meat industry and the exploitation of animals. The mission is to protest war, poverty and the destruction of the environment. They are not an organization and do not have members, rather are comprised of volunteers and activists dedicated to taking non-violent direct action to provide free food were no one is excluded. They attempt to demonstrate that food is a right and not a privilege. Since so much food is being thrown away, there would be no need for people to be hungry as one food server explained it to me. The notion of “Food Not Bombs” means that money should be spend on food and poverty rather than on military procurement. Decisions are made by consensus and is performed in non-hierarchical, consensus-based with no leaders or presidents. FNB activists considered themselves as freegan as well and recipients were other freegans, homeless, unemployed and under-employed people who come to free food servings regularly.

 

5) Discussion

In my research I have gained a thorough understanding of Halifax freegan lifestyles, backgrounds, rationale and motivations and uses of procured food. I gained an understanding of what they criticize and the changes they propose. It was demonstrated that contrary to Edwards and Mercer assertion that most freegans are well-educated middle-class males. The freegans I had met comprised of an equal gender ratio, often had working-class backgrounds and not everybody had education beyond high school. I explored the research participants' political agendas and connection to other humanitarian organizations or groups, especially Food Not Bombs.

Above I have answered research questions 1) to 4), in this section I will discuss the findings and their possible application towards practical outcomes. It was interesting to find out that definitions about freeganism vary, some including the consumption of meat as free food, others strongly not. While all participants would not buy meat or animal products, most were ok with consuming it if it was free, dumpstered or stolen. Since the movement is non-hierarchical and decentralized and comprised of people with different backgrounds and motivations, there is also no unique definition. All freegans I talked to also steal and dumpster non-food items such as toilet paper or stuff found on the street such as mattresses, furniture, electronic items etc.

Because most freegans steal as well, one may see it contradictory that they would steal from corporations but not small businesses since both are owned by capitalists. However, I understand the participants rationale behind their decisions, that a large supermarket chain is buying food from producers who engage in industrialized mass food production and these corporations and their owner will be only minimally effected by shoplifting. Whereas, for a convenience store owner, sales are the majority of their livelihood.

One may also see a contradiction in stealing food if it can be dumpster-dove for free. It is disputable whether shoplifting is a necessity considering there are other methods such as food banks. As one participant I talked to explained it, though, stealing is an intentional act of protest against the corporation, the food industry and unethical businesses practices. Moreover, it would demonstrate a refusal to contribute resources to system of corporations that one feels are unethical, while simultaneously demonstrating a demand or even necessity for the product itself.

Another fact is that freegan food procurement methods are dependent on the capitalist system since overproduction facilitates dumpstering and shoplifting while poverty create the need for food banks and free food distribution. Admittedly, all individuals agreed with this notion. Freeganism is only sustainable as long as the current system continues. Nevertheless, most people identifying with freeganism told me that they attempt to prepare themselves for the time when the global food production system breaks down. This entails learning to be self-sustaining by starting to eat seasonally, locally, foraging and growing one's own vegetables. The movement as part of an alternative subculture may thus intend to raise awareness about food sovereignty issues, trying to educate about the flaws of the system and promoting alternatives. The concept works thus far as it are still minority groups performing these acts. If everybody was a freegan, their sustenance might not continue if consumption or demand stagnates, there will be less products for sale, to be thrown out, and the food industry corporations would go bankrupt if they could no longer sustain high profit margins. In that case people would probably not be prepared since there are not enough farmers to provide for the population of Halifax. The message freegans are trying to deliver is clear then: grow your own food, grow community gardens, barter and share. Freeganism is then practical in the way it is performed currently, protesting but being dependent on the system.

Lastly, it may be worth debating whether it is appropriate for young freegans to use free food servings and food banks since for them it is a choice whereas for many homeless people and street youth it is not. It raises ethical questions, that freegans eat away food fthat is reserved for the needy. However, at free food servings I visited, vollunteers were glad that more people came because a lot of food would still be thrown away after servings.

 

6) Conclusion

My research about a Haligonian urban subculture who believe in a system of free food procurement has shown a light about alternative lifestyles of a political motivated minority group. It has brought up interesting issues including food sovereignty, waste, and an industrialized global food system. Beliefs and definitions within the freegan movement seem to differ slightly though all reject obtaining food commercially. Though not all their methods may be sustainable over the long time, my research showed that freegans have a clear message of how of what goes wrong in the current food system and what a more ethical future system may look like.

 

 

 

Works Cited

 

 

Barnard, Alex V. 2011. “'Waving the banana'at capitalism: Political theater and social movement strategy among New York's 'freegan' dumpster divers.” Ethnography 12 no. 4:419-444.

 

Clarke, Dylan. 2004. “The Raw and the Rotten: Punk Cuisin.” Enthnology 43 no. 1:19-31. accessed November 27, 2012). http://www.jstor.com

 

Kelley, Raina. 2007. “The Freegan Ride.” Newsweek 150 no. 14: 46-47. Academic Search Premier. (accessed November 25, 2012). http://www.ebscohost.com

 

Pentina, Iryna & Clinton Amos. 2011. “The Freegan phenomenon: anti-consumption or consumer resistance?” European Journal of Market 45 no. 11/12:1768-1778.

 

Persson, Henrik. 2011. “Life from a Freegan Perspective.” The Environmental Magazine 22, no. 4:17- 18. Academic Search Premier (accessed November25, 2012). http://www.ebscohost.com

 

Edwards, Ferne, and David Mercer. 2007. "Gleaning from Gluttony: an Australian youth subculture confronts the ethics of waste." Australian Geographer 38, no. 3: 279- 296. Academic Search Premier, EBSCOhost (accessed November 25, 2012). http://www.ebscohost.com